MEMOIR 



OF THE 



'M^j 



REV. FRANCIS HIGGINSON. 







Glass Fa"" 



Book . HG3 



M E M O 



5» 



SIX 



REV. FRANCIS HIGGINSON. 



BY JOSEPH B. FELT. 



The righteous shall be in everlasting remembrance Psalms. 

Dimuiin laudc virum musa vetat niori Horace. 



BOSTON: 
THOMAS PRINCE, PRINTER, 11 1-2 TREMONT ROW, 
Office of the N. E. Hist, and Gen. Regibter. 

1852. 



Corrections and Explanations. 

Page 2, line 24, for Holdersham read Hildersham. — P. 4, 1. 24, omit before all be- 
tween sin and rebuke. — P. 10, 1. 26, Asylum should have but one s. — P. 10, 1. 40, two 
ships, besides the three, were to sail about three weeks after. — P. 20, line 14, for 
goodly read godly. — P. 20, 1. 21, supply hereby between 7nay and be. — P. 20, 1. 31, 

for Jo/i/iread Thomas C.o\T. — P. 23, 1. 17, omit (he before March. 



MEMOIR 



REY. FRANCIS HIGGINSON 



BY JOSEPH B. FELT, 



Wise, emphatically wise, is the government of the universe. 
While the christian philanthropist ventures his all in the cause of 
reformation, and knows not that his eye will ever behold the end, 
for which he toils, he cherishes a heartfelt assurance, that a 
reward awaits him above the skies, proportioned to the purity of 
his motives and the fulness of his sacrifices. This is lire key, 
which unlocks the mystery as to the readiness, with which multi- 
tudes of our race have forsaken the dearest attractions of life, and 
subjected themselves to labor, peril and suffering. This explains 
the reasonableness of the holy enterprize, in which Francis Hig- 
ginson and his associates embarked, not knowing what of earthly 
experience awaited them. But this they knew, and it Avas the 
impulse above all others, that the God Avhom they trusted and 
whom they served, would not sutfer an iota of their devotedness 
to him and his cause, though hidden from the eye of human 
perception in its exercise and result, to be lost in his assignment of 
their everlasting portion. 

Connecting the short period of Mr. Higginson's continuance at 
Naumkcag, with that he passed in his father-land, we will 
endeavor to follow him by the comparatively small nnmber of 
points in his history, which the consuming progress of time has 
left to our vision. He was the son of John Higginson,' born 1587. 
He received his A. B. 1609, at Jesus College, and his A. M. 1G13, 
at St. John's, both of Cambridge University. We are informed, 
that he was settled as a strict conformist, with the rites and cere- 
monies of the national church, about IGlo, at Claybrooke," one 
of the parishes in Leicester. 

' There is a tradition among one branch of the lligginson family in England, thai 
this person was drowned in returning from a place wiiere hi; had preaclied, at the ad- 
vanced age of 104. It seems not prohable as to the great age, tliough possible. 

2 Claybrooke parish, in the census of England aad Wales, 1841, is stated to be in Uie 
counties of I^icester and Warwick. 



2 Memoir of the Rev. Francis Higginson. 

Giving full proof, that he felt the importance of being a herald 
of the gospel, his precept and example deeply impressed his people, 
that his supreme desire and endeavor were to secure their spiritu- 
al, more than their temporal good, though benevolence shone out 
from all his labors for the whole circle of their best interests. 
" The main scope of his ministry," as Cotton Mather* observed, 
" was to promote first, a thorough conversion, and then a godly 
conversation among" them. In addition to this, his manners were 
courteous and obliging, his oratory, attainments and talents 
superior. Crowds, from the neighborhood, came to hear his 
dispensations of divine truth. His efforts were not in vain. As 
the reward, most precious to his heart, the Spirit of grace rendered 
them the means of turning many from darkness to light. Thus 
being, in his course, like the sun in its constant revolutions, a 
source of benefit to all within his influence, he kept his engage- 
ment of close conformity with Ecclesiastical rules, for a considera- 
ble number of years. 

The question of such compliance was receiving increased 
attention and discussion, from no small number of the choicest 
clergy. While on the one hand, there Avere the favor and encour- 
agement of the State, to hold by its spiritual appointments, there 
v/ere, on the other, its frowns and prosecutions for turning to an 
opposite direction. Being drawn, by kindred sympathies and 
motives^ to the society of Heldersham and Hooker, he was induced 
more fully to search the Scriptures, so that he might ascertain 
whether the charge, that corruptions, in doctrine and practice, had 
alarmingly crept into the established Church, was true. The result 
was, that, about 1627, he took a decided stand with the Puritans. A 
consequence of such committal and of his own practical regard for 
consistency, was his exclusion from the parish, for whom he had 
faithfully toiled, as answerable to a tribunal, infinitely higher than 
human. 

Though aware, that he was numbered with the advocates for 
reform, then an odious distinction with their opponents, the large 
congregation, who still waited on his ministrations, could not 
consent to relinquish them. " He was unto them as a very lovely 
song of one, that hath a pleasant voice, and can play well on an 
instrument." They obtained permission for him to preach for 
them a part of the Sabbath, and, on the other, to assist an aged 
clergyman, who needed his help. His hearers freely contributed 
towards the support of himself and family. While they so 
manifested their attachment to him, the other clergymen of the 
Town invited him, until they were forbidden, to ofiiciate in their 
churches. By this means "he preached successively in three " of 
these sanctuaries, even after he was legally disqualified by his 
non-conformity. 

Besides the labors already mentioned, he dispensed the truths of 
inspiration to a people at Beigrave village, a mile from Leicester. 
The calls for his service, were numerous, and he heard them with 
gladness of heart. It would have been pleasant to him, beyond 

'From the Magnalia of this learned author, many facts of this memoir are taken. 



Memoir of Rev. Francis Higgiyisoyi. 3 

all the contributions of earthly greatness, could he have so pursued 
and linishcd his temporal career. But he had already been 
tolerated by Bishop AVilliams of Lincoln, whose diocese included 
Leicester, more than many high churchmen approved, and his 
liberty was to come under the control of Bishop Laud, who felt 
that his administration of office should be less indulgent. When 
this prelate had a difference with the former, he pursued the Pu- 
ritans, who were favored by him, with severity, supposing that 
his obligation to the kingdom could be sooner and better discharged 
in this manner, than otherwise. But such policy brought fear and 
desolation to many a happy fireside, consecrated to the cause of 
Christ. Thus it was soon to be with the home of Higginson. 
The dread of displeased authority was to imbitter its joys, and 
the threats of the Star Chamber to scatter its happy inmates. 

Before, however, the storm began to beat in all its severity, 
some incidents occurred illustrative of Mr. Higginson's faithful 
and forgiving deportment. Among the evils, which he endeavored 
to remove from his people, according to the Thirty-nine Articles, 
was the allowance of immoral persons to be partakers of the 
Lord's supper. When the elements of this sacred festival were to 
be administered, he preached from the words, "Give not that 
which is holy to the dogs." Beginning to distribute the bread, an 
intemperate man, who failed to comply with his instruction, 
advanced for his portion. Mr. Higginson, in accordance with the 
Rubric, observed to him, that he was unwilling to grant him the 
privilege until he should manifest evidence of repentance. The 
individual so reproved, left the church much displeased. He lived 
but a little while after, and died with the words of despair on his 
lips. 

Another, a gentleman who lived in an adjacent parish, was 
greatly offended because his wife frequently attended the preach- 
ing of Mr. Higginson, and declared that he would be revenged on 
him. He, therefore, prepared to set out for London and there 
complain of him before the High Commission Court, as a non-con- 
formist. Attempting to mount his horse, he was seized with 
spasmodic pains and severe rebukes of conscience. He was 
carried into his house, and died in a iev^ hours. 

An event or two more, of less sad and different results, follow. 
During the continuance of Mr. Higginson in Leicester, a Doctor 
in divinity, prebendary in a Cathedral and chaplain to his Majesty, 
resided there, though he seldom delivered a sermon. The latter 
minister was far from cherishing a brotherly disposition towards 
the former, either in faith or forms. He saw, that whenever he 
himself discoursed from the pulpit, the multitude had gone after 
the Puritan. Such preference grievously wounded his spirit, and 
he declared, that the Town should be cleared of so popular a rival. 
But having thus committed himself to the public, he fell into a 
trying dilemma. He was nominated by the sheriff, three months 
beforehand, to preach at the Assize. The honor, so proftered, he 
could not well decline, but the preparation to discharge the duty 
of it, he could not make to his own satisfaction. The time, within 
a fortnight, had already expired, when he spoke of his anxiety. 



4 Memoir of the Rev. Francis Higginsoti. 

and expressed his fear to friends, that he should fail in writing a 
suitable discourse. They urged him to try again, but if he could 
not succeed, to call on Mr. Higginson, who was always ready, as 
a substitute. He did what he could, but without avail, till the 
very night before the Court assembled. Then, with emotions of 
mortification more easily imagined than described, he sent his wife 
to lady Cave, who desired Mr. Higginson to stand in his stead. 
The man, on whom he so loathfully depended, met his proposal 
kindly, and complied with his request, to the great acceptance of 
the large audience. But the end was not yet. After the particu- 
lars of the whole case were noised abroad, the public lost their 
respect for the Doctor so much, that he felt constrained to leave 
the place. In the meanwhile, their estimation of Mr. Higginson 
was greatly increased. Verily, the pit, prepared for the innocent, 
became the receptacle of its maker. 

As Leicester was accounted a place generally favorable to 
Puritanism, many '' courtiers, lords and gentlemen" agreed 
on a plan for tarnishing its good name, by degrading 
themselves. Accordingly they visited it, invited the mayor 
and aldermen to partake of a collation, and prevailed on 
them to drink so many healths on their knees, that they were 
intoxicated. This disgraceful scene became the topic of common 
conversation. Mr. Higginson, believing that the offence came 
within the Scripture injunction, "Them that sin before all, rebuke 
before all, that others may fear," felt it his duty to deliver a public 
discourse. This he did in the presence of the Mayor and Alder- 
men, from a text, which was the basis of his remarks on the 
sinfulness of drinking healths and drunkenness, and particularly 
so in magistrates, whose obligation was to punish it in others under 
their authority, He applied the subject by admonishing them to 
repent of the scandal, thus committed. The reproof was variously 
taken. They who lightly esteemed the yoke of Christianity, were 
much displeased, and denounced it as impudence instead of 
faithfulness. Of this class were some of the men implicated in 
the fault. Others, who had so fallen, made ingenuous confessions 
of their offence. Many more, who counted divine command far 
above human deception and resentment, approved the sermon. 
No ill effects appeared to come on the preacher. 

After this, Mr. Higginson was selected by the Mayor and 
Aldermen of Leicester, to be their city preacher. But aware that 
he could not, consistently with his belief, coincide with all the 
requisitions of such a trust, he recommended to them John Angel, 
a worthy conformist. Several valuable livings were, also, offered 
hinj, which he declined for a similar reason. A clear conscience 
with him, was worth more than all earthly preferments. 

While a conformist, he was often engaged in preaching visita- 
tion, assize and funeral sermons. Then and afterwards, he 
frequently took part in public and private fasts, and many 
resorted to him for the solution of their conscientious scruples. 
He did much service in teaching scholars, who were to enter, or 
who came from the University. Among them were Drs. Seaman 
and Brian, and Messrs. Richardson and John Howe, all of Leices- 



Memoir of the Rev. Francis Higg-inson. 5 

tershire, who were eminent preachers, and expressed their 
obhgations to him. "Wlien contributions were made lor Protestant 
exiles from Bohemia and the Palatinate, lie was among tlie most 
active to obtain them. Thus doing whatever his hands Ibund to 
do, for the temporal and spiritual benefit of all, who came within 
the sphere of his action, his exertions, in that quarter, were soon to 
be curiailed and prevented. 

Bishop Laud, having resolved to cut short all indulgence to 
Puritan preaching, entered, with a more vigorous hand, 1G28, on 
the accomplishment of his purpose. Vie received complaints 
against JMr. Higginson, who, consequently, expected pursuivants, 
every moment, to take him before the High Connnission Court, 
from which he looked for nothing less than ])erpetual imprison- 
ment. Though we have no particular minutes to show how or 
when he was subjected to inlhctions of law, yet his own assertion, 
on a subsequent occasion, assures us, that he " suffered much for 
non-conformity in his native land." 

Influenced by strong faith, that Providence intended this country 
as an asylum for the persecuted Puritnns, Mr. Higginson issued, 
before his embarkation, an able and eloquent publication.' This 
was entitled, '• Generall Considerations for the Plantation in New 
England, with an answer to several objections." Its sound 
discretion and elevated motives recommend, that its leading 
thoughts should receive a passing notice. The considerations 
follow. First. It would be for the prosperity of the church in 
general, to have the Gospel planted on these shores, and would 
'* raise a bulwark against the kingdom of Antichrist, which the 
Jesuits labor to rear up in all places of the world." Second. 
There was cause to fear, that God purposed to judge England, 
and to conclude that he had prepared the Colony as a refuge for 
liis people. Third. England had an excess of poor population. 
Fourtli. Emigrants hither would avoid the temptations before 
them, at home, from extravagance in living and dishonesty in 
business. Fifth. The literary and theological schools were 
expensive and corrupted. Sixth. Why should the poor starve, 
when there was land enough here for their support. Seventh. 
It is a noble work to help build up an infant church. Eighth. 
If any, possessed of wealth, take part in such an enterprise, they 
v/ill give an example of self-denial, encourage emigration and 
the pious to pray for the prosperity of the settlement. 

From these premises, Mr. Higginson proceeds to oiler objections 
and answer them. First. " It will be a great wrong to our owne 
church and country to take away the best people." Reply. But 
a small proi)ortion of the most exemplary will leave the kingdom. 
^\ hoover of them go, will have opportunity for greater usefulness. 
Second. Though we have long feared judgments, yet we are safe. 
Reply. So thouaht the churches of the Palatinate, Rochelle, etc. 
Their delay to flee and their ruin should be a warning. Third. 

' Though some have doul)te(l whether this was his, Hutchinson declares it to be from 
his pen. Its subject was siuiilar to that of the Planter's Plea, by White, and of the 
Path Way, by Smith. 



6 Memoir of the Rev. Francis Higginson. 

We have enough at home. Reply. We are like to have as good 
fare there in time, with the advantage of greater preparation for 
death and larger treasure in heaven. Fourth. We may perish or 
calamities come upon us. Repljr. We should discharge duty 
and trust in God's Providence. Fifth. What right have we to 
the land of the Indians '? Reply. A plague has swept off the 
most of them. What remain, welcome us. There is more than 
enough for them and the emigrants. Sixth. We should not send 
the best of our ministers and magistrates. Reply. If great things 
he attempted by weak hands, the result will be accordingly. 
Seventh. Other plantations have failed. Reply. Their want of 
success may be traced to lack of religious motives and proper 
instruments. The head which dictated, and the heart which 
deeply sympathized with these opinions and sentiments, were of 
no ordinary texture. Indeed, for the occupation of our soil, Mr. 
Higginson offered ingenious and forcible reasons. Great was the 
moral power, that enabled him and his associates to determine, 
that they would tear themselves from home and kindred, and 
embark for the inhospitable coast of a distant and unsubdued 
wilderness. 

Probably referring to the treatise, a synopsis of which has been 
just presented, the Election Sermon of John Higginson, 1663, has 
the fx)llowing passage: 

"It is now 35 years since, I Vv^ell remember, in the year 28,^ that 
one of the first ministers, that came over into this wilderness, 
giving some account of his grounds, in a great assembly of many 
thousands at Leicester in Old England, he mentioned this as one, 
the mercy of the Patent, and the largeness of the Patent, from the 
royal authority of England, for the people here to choose their own 
magistrates, and to admit unto freedom such as they should think 
meet, and that religion was the principal end of this Plantation in 
his Majesty's royal intention and the adventurers' free possession." 

So inclined, Mr. Higginson intended an extrication of himself 
and family from their afflictions, by a proposal to embark for 
Massachusetts, and consecrate his energies to the mission of 
dispensing the Gospel to the colonists and natives around them. 
In the transactions of the Company, who settled this territory, 
under March 23, 1629, we find the following record, literally and 
substantially. Information was given, by letters from Isaac John- 
son, the husband of Lady Arbella, "that one Mr. Higginson, of 
Leicester, an able minister, proffers to go to our plantation, who, 
being approved for a reverend, grave minister, fit for our present 
occasions, it was thought by these present, to entreat Mr. John 
Humfrey to ride presently to Leicester, and if Mr. Higginson may 
conveniently be had to go this present voyage, that he should 
deal with him. First, if his remove from thence may be without 
scandal to that people, and approved by the consent of some of 
the best affected among them, with the approbation of Mr. Hilder- 
sham, of Ashley " de la Zouch ; secondly, he may leave his wife 

' Likely in March, 1628-9. 



Memoir of the Rev. Francis Higg^lnsoii. 1 

and family till Bartholomew, so that ihey may be better accommo- 
dated with a passage, or not, as he prefers. 

We are informed, that the persons, authorized to communicate 
with Iligginson on this subject, were acquainted with his continual 
expectation of oliicers to apprehend him. Being more in the 
merry than sorrowful mood, they concluded to render such 
knowledge a source of final diversion, by letting him and his 
family suppose, that they were servants of the law. There may 
have been circumstances, unknown to us, which excuse a strata- 
gem of this kind, but, as a general consideration, it is ofien 
injurious, and seldom the source of so much good as evil. The 
messengers knocked loudly at the door, and called aloud, '•"Where 
is Mr. Higginson l We must speak with him." His wife, greatly 
alarmed, as they might have thought, ran to his study, and 
entreated that he Avould secrete himself He replied, "Ko, I will 
go down and speak to them, and the will of the Lord be done." 
They were admitted. Entering the hall, they approached him in 
a rough manner, and presented him with papers, saying, " Sir, 
we come from London ; our business is to carry you thither, as 
you may see by these papers." 

Mrs. Higginson, believing that her worst fears were about to be 
realized, exclaimed, " I thought so," and immediately began to 
weep. Her husband, however, soon indicated by his looks, that 
there was no cause for sorrow. The documents, so much dreaded 
as the messages of evil, were a copy of the Massachusetts Charter, 
and an invitation of the Company for him to be one of their 
efficient agents on the distant soil, to carry out their difficult 
enterprise. He welcomed his guests, conversed on the terms cf 
contract, and other matters connected with the subject of momen- 
tous concerns. In view of this application, he first looked to God 
for direction, and then took counsel with his friends. Of these. 
Mr. Hildersham, who had long and severely suffi^red for endeavors 
to promote reformation in the National Church, said, " That were 
he himself a younger man, and under his care and call, he should 
think he had a plain invitation of heaven unto the voyage." 
Accordingly, he made up liis mind, under the proffered conditions, 
to devote himself and his all again to the cause of philanthropy 
and religion in the new world. His resolve gave an impulse to 
many of like spirit, that they would do likewise. 

After a few days, being the 8th of April, Mr. Higginson, and 
another, Samuel Skelton, of like motive, purpose, profession and 
trials, make the following contract : 

" Mr. Francis Higgeson and Mr. Samuel Skelton, intended 
ministers for this plantacon, and it being thought meete to consider 
of their entertainment, who, expressing their willingness, together, 
also, with Mr. Francis Bright, being now present to doc their 
endeavour in their places of the ministerie, as well in preaching, 
catechisinge, as also in teaching or causing to be taught the Com- 
panys servants and their children, as also the salvages and their 
children, whereby to their vttermost to further the mainc end of 
this plantacon, being by the assistance of Almighty God, tlie 
convertion of the salvages; the propositions and agreements 



8 Memoir of the Rev. Francis Higginsoji. 

concluded on with Mr. Francis Bright the second of February 
last, were reciprocallie accepted of by Mr. Francis Higgeson and 
Mr. Samuel Skelton, who are in euery respect to haue the like 
conditions as Mr. Bright hath, only whereas Mr. Higgeson hath 
eight children, it is intended that £10 more yearly shalbe allowed 
him towarde their chardges. And it is agreed, that the increase 
to be improved of all their grounds during the first three years, 
shalbe att the Companies disposeinge, who are to find their dyot 
during that tyme ; and £10 more to Mr. Higgeson towards Jiis 
present fitting him and his for the voyage. 

Francis Higgeson, 
Samuel Skelton. 

Further, though it Avas not mentioned in the agreement, but 
forgotten, Mr. Higgeson was promised "a man seruant to take care 
and look' to his things, and to catch him fish and foule, and 
provide other things needfull, and, also, two maid seruants to look 
to his family." 

The subsequent agreement of Mr. Higginson, includes some of 
the preceding items, and others of such interest, as to justify a 
condensed view of the whole. 

He was allowed £.30 to buy apparel and other articles for the 
voyage, and £10 more for books, and a free passage for himself, 
wife and children, and furniture. His salary for each of three 
years, commencing from his arrival at Naumkeag, was to be £30, 
a house and land, firewood and diet. The dwelling and appurte- 
nances were to be a parsonage for the use of himself and 
successors in the ministry. At the expiration of three years, he 
was to have 100 acres of land assigned to him, and of seven years, 
100 acres more. Towards the support of his household, he was 
to have the milk of two cows, and half the increase of their 
calves ; the other half, with the cows, the Company were to 
receive at the end of three years. In case of his decease, his wife, 
while remaining his widow, and his children, if the former and 
the latter continued in the plantation, were to be supported at the 
public expense. Should he not like to dwell longer in the colony, 
than the period agreed on, there was to be no charge for a passage 
back for himself and family. 

A letter is dated April 17, by the Governor and Deputy of the 
Company, and directed to Mr. Endicott at Naumkeag. It men- 
tions the spiritual care, which had been taken for the settlement. 
"And for the propagating of the Gospel, is the thing we do profess 
above all, to be our aim in settling this Plantation. We have been 
careful to make plentiful provision of godly ministers, by whose 
faithful preaching, godly conversation, and exemplary life, we 
trust not only those of our own nation will be built up in the 
knowledge of God, but, also, the Indians may, in God's appointed 
time, be reduced to the obedience of the Gospel of Christ." The 
writers, having spoken of Mr. Skelton, as the instrument of 
religious benefit to Mr. Endicott, proceed to remark, " Another is 
Mr. Higgenson, a grave man and of worthy commendations. He 



Memoir of the Rev. Francis Higginson. 9 

comctli in the Talbot." They observe, in reference to these two and 
Mr. Bright, engaged in the same mission, " We pray you accom- 
modate them all with necessaries as well as you may; and in 
convenient time let there be houses built them accordnig to the 
agreement we have made with them."' They state concerning 
them, that there is a prospect of harmony in their views and 
ministrations, which will be promoted by impartiality of the 
Government towards them and all otliers ; that the manner and 
degree of their preaching to the colonists and natives, are left to 
their own discretion ; and that, for their exertions to be duly 
appreciated, they must be fitly honored. They propose, that 
sliould these three ministers be unable to agree, which one of them 
should be located at Charlestown, it should be decided by lot, and 
whoever was so designated, should dwell there with his family. 

Under the date of April 30,' the Massachusetts Company 
meet as a General Court in London, and attend to the choice of 
the Colonial Rulers. On this matter, their language follows. — 
"That thirteen of such as shall be reputed the most wise, honest, 
expert and discreet persons, resident upon the said Plantation, shall 
have the sole managing and ordering of the government and our 
allairs there, who, to the best of their judgments, are to endeavor 
so to settle the same, as may make most to the glory of God, the 
furtherance and advancement of this hopeful Plantation, the 
comfort, encouragement and future benefit of us and others, the 
beginners of this, so hopeful a work." Of the persons, so 
described in their qualifications and duties, was Mr. Higginson 
with his. clerical brethren. Bright and Skelton. The first thought 
of having ministers among advisers to the chief magistrate, may 
seem inexpedient to the perception of modern usage. But when 
we reflect, that the chief purpose of the settlement was to have a 
Commonwealth, in which religion should be the paramount object, 
we at once discern the propriety of such an appointment. As the 
measures of legislation, so the legislators. 

The oath* of office prepared and sent over for Mr. Higginson and 
his associates, is of the subsequent tenor. " You swear to be 
faithful and loyal to our Sovereign Lord, the King's Majesty, and 
to his heirs and successors. You shall, from time to time, give 
your best advice and council for supporting and maintaining the 
Commonwealth and Corporation of the Governor and Company 
of the Massachusetts Bay, in New England; not sparing lor love 
nor dread, for favor nor meed, but according to the statutes and 
ordinances, made and to be made by virtue of the Charter of the 
said Company, shall eflectually assist the Governor, or his Deputy 
and Council of the said Company, in executing the said statutes 
and ordinances ; having no singular regard to yourself in deroga- 
tion of the Commonwealth of the same. All these premises you 
shall hold and truly keep to your power, so long as you shall 

' The fact of electing the members of the Goveriinieiit for the Colony, is uiun- 
tioned in the letter of the preceding 17th, in the same month, to EndicotU 

2 This id meationed, as being forwarded, by a letter of the Company begun to be 
dated May 28, and closed June 3. 



10 Memoir of the Rev. Francis Higginson. 

continue in the place or office of one of the said Council. So help 
you God." 

Prior to Mr. Higginson' s having a proposition from the Company 
to engage in their service, his mind had been much exercised with 
regard to the critical situation of the kingdom, and it imbibed the 
strong impression, that the calamities of war would soon come on 
his countrymen. This led him to compose a discourse from the 
warning of our Saviour, Luke 21c. 20, 21 vs. " When you see 
Jerusalem compassed with armies, then flee to the mountains." 
Having decided to forsake the soil of his fathers and sojourn in a 
strange land, he concluded to adopt what he had so written, as his 
farewell sermon. In the presence of a large assembly, he did so, 
representing the sins ot England, as the cause, which would 
bring on her such sufferings, in which Leicester would be a great 
sharer for its own transgressions. This prediction was remem- 
bered, by those who heard it, when the civil war prevailed 
between Charles L and his opponents, and particularly when he 
and his forces stormed Leicester, 1645 ; took it, after a hard 
assault ; captured immense spoil ; made 1500 prisoners, and killed 
1100 people in the streets. When Mr. Higginson had closed his 
discourse, he thanked the magistrates and others of the city for 
the kindness, which they had shown to him and his ministrations. 
He related to them his purpose of going to New England, and that 
the great object of settling there was the promotion of religion. — 
He expressed his hopes, that the Colony was divinely intended as 
an assylum for the non-conformists, from the storms coming upon 
the nation, and where they might have the free enjoyment of the 
reformation, for which they had prayed and labored. He 
concluded this extraordinary meeting, by an aflectionate petition 
for the welfare of the King, the Church and State, and particular- 
ly of Leicester, the place of very many incidents, the most 
impressive and interesting in his life. When he and his family 
set out for London, the streets were filled with people, who, Avith 
loud prayers and cries, bid him farewell. 

On April 25, Mr. Higginson sails in the Talbot from Gravesend. 
This vessel was of 300 tons, 19 guns, and 30 men, commanded by 
Thomas Beecher. She " carried about 100 planters, G goats, 5 
great pieces of ordnance, with meal, oatmeal, peas and all manner 
of munition of provision for the plantation for a twelve month." 
She was one of three ships, fitted out at the same time with 
emigrants and supplies for the colony. She reached no further 
than Cowes by the 5th of May. Here, Mr. Higginson remarks, 
" I and my wife and daughter Mary, and two maids, and some 
others Avith us, obtained leave of the master of the ship to go 
ashore and refresh us, and to wash our linens." 

On the 6th, " betime in the morning, the shallop was sent from 
the ship to fetch us to Yarmouth," being eight miles from Cowes ; 
"but the water proved rough, and our women desired to be set on 
shore three miles short of Yarmouth, and so went on foot by land, 
and lodged at Yarmouth that night." Here they were detained. 
On the 10th, being Sabbath, " we kept the ship, where I preached 
in the morning ; and in the afternoon, was entreated to preach at 



Memoir of the Rev. Francis Higginson. 11 

Yarmouth, where Mr. Meare and Captain Borlcy entertained ns 
very kindly, and earnestly desired to be satisfied of our safe 
arrival in New England, and of the state of the country." The 
following day, the Talbot, accompanied by the Lyon's Whelp, 
sailed with a fair wind. On the 12th, " We came as far as the 
Land's End, and so left our dear native soil of England behind us." 

Cotton Mather informs us, that on this occasion, Mr. Higginson 
called up his children and other passengers to the stern of the ship, 
that they might give a parting look to the land of their nativity; 
and that he gave utterance to tlie emotionsof his heart, as follows: 
'•We will not say, as the Separatists are wont to say at their 
leaving of England, Farewell, IJabylon ! Farewell, Rome ! But 
we will say, Farewell, dear England ! Farewell, the Church of 
God in England, and all the Christian friends there ! We do not 
go to ISew England, as separatists from the Church ot England ; 
though we cannot but separate from the corruptions in it. But 
we go to practice the positive part of church reformation, and 
jiropagate the Gospel in America." And so he concluded with a 
fervent prayer for the King, and Church and State, in England, 
and for the presence and blessing of God with themselves in their 
present undertaking for New England. ' 

Johnson puts a question and gives its answer, 

" What golden gaiiie made Higginson remove. 

From fertile soylo to wildernesse of rocks ? 
'Tvvas Christ's rich pearle stir'd up thee toil to love, 

For hiiu to feed in wildernesse his flocks." 

Hard indeed must have been the separation of Mr. Higginson 
and family, from the country of their birth, education, home and 
most precious associations. But, encouraged by the promises of 
christian faith, that whether successful or not, in their pilgrimage 
to a new country, the blessing of heaven would be then* portion, 
they bowed in submission to their lot, and heartily responded to 
the petition, — let the will of the Most High be done. 

Having attended to the services of worship on the Sabbath of 
the 17th, as usual, Mr. Higginson relates, that two of his children, 
Samuel and Mary, were taken sick with the " small pox and 
purples together, wliich was brought into the ship by one Mr. 
Browne, who was sick of the same at Gravesend, whom it pleased 
God to make the first occasion of bringing that contagious sick- 
ness among us, wherewith many were after afllicted." On the 
19th, Mr. Higginson's daughter Mary died, an event of sore 
affliction to her parents, and " terror to all the rest, as being the 
beginning of a contagious disease and mortality." On Thursday, 
21st, in view of their anxiety and trial, a season of fasting and 
humiliation was observed. Messrs. Higginson and Ralph Smith 
performed the services. The former notes, " I heard some of the 
mariners say, they thought this was the first sea fast, that ever 
was kept, and that they never heard of the like performed at sea 
before." Tuesday, June 2, as the ship was delayed in her 
progress by contrary winds, some of the men sick with the scurvy 
and others with the small pox, he took part in another similar and 
solemn occasion. With the varied impressions of ocean scenes, 



12 Memoir of the Rev. Francis Higginsoti. 

made upon a mind of disciplined taste, which had never before 
Avitnessed them, Mr. Higginson notices the appearance of hostile 
vessels, the whale and other tenants of the deep, storms, floating 
ice, bank fogs, the death of a profane sailor, and of another child, 
sea fanerals and the exhilarating sight of land. He observes, 
'' We received instruction and delight in beholding the wonders of 
the Lord in the deep waters." 

On the 26th, he writes, " By noon we were withm three leagues 
of Cape Ann, and as we sailed along the coast, we saw every hill 
and dale, and every island full of gay woods and high trees. The 
nearer we came to the shore, the more flowers in abundance, 
sometimes scattered abroad, sometimes joined in sheets nine or ten 
yards long, which we supposed to be brought from the low 
meadows by the tide. Now what with fine woods and green trees 
by land, and these yellow flowers painting the sea, made us all 
desirous to see our new paradise of New England, where we saw 
much forerunning signals of fertility afar off." Thus welcomed 
to his intended residence by attractions of early summer's scenery, 
he and his fellow passengers were to experience a sudden but 
temporary disappointirient. Having approached the entrance of 
Naumkeag harbor at dark, they tacked about for sea room. — 
About 4 o'clock, next afternoon, they reached the place which 
they left the evening before, and on the point of entering the 
desired haven, a squall, attended with rain, thunder and lightning, 
drove them back. Fearing to try the passage again, as night 
drew on, they made for Cape Ann. The subsequent day, being 
the 28th, and the Sabbath, was religiously kept there. As Gover- 
nor Endicott saw the colors of the Talbot on Saturday, he then 
sent a shallop with two men to pilot her. But as these were 
blown out with her, they attended worship at the Cape. By their 
assistance, as Mr. Higginson remarks, and " God's blessing, we 
passed the curious and difficult entrance into the spacious harbor 
of Naumkeag. And, as we passed along, it was wonderful to 
behold so many islands replenished with thick wood and high 
trees and many fair green pastures." He proceeds, " We rested 
that night with glad and thankful hearts, that God had put an end 
to our long and tedious journey. 

The next morning, 30th, the Governor came aboard and bade 
us kindly welcome, and invited me and my wife to come on shore 
and take our lodging in his house, which we did accordingly." 
One of his reflections on the voyage, gives us this extract: " We 
had a pious and Christian-like passage; for I suppose passengers 
shall seldom find a company of more religious, honest and kind 
seamen than we had. We constantly served God morning and 
evening, by reading and expounding a chapter, singing and prayer. 
And the Sabbath was solemnly kept by adding to the former, 
preaching twice and catechising. Besides, the master and his 
company used every night to set their eight and twelve o'clock 
watches with singing a psalm and prayer, that was not read out 
of a book." 

Thus closes the journal of graphic descriptions, whicli Mr. 
Higginson gave of scenes, new to his experience and deeply 



Me?notr of the Rev. Francis Higginson. 13 

impressed on his memory. Like the acts, which record the 
journeyings of Apostles to tlieir places of Gospel lahor, so this 
document tracks the course of its author to the spot of like sacred 
occupation. 

At this point, it becomes us, in view of impressions, concrally 
entertained, that Higginson and liis company were separatists from 
the national Cluirch, when leaving England, to enquire how the 
matter was, and how it stood on his arrival at Naunikeag. It is 
readily brought to mind, what his own language was, on bidding 
adieu to the kingdom, at Land's End. He then emphatically 
declared, that he and others with him, had not come out and 
renounced all communion with such an establishment. The fact 
was, that they were classed amongst ehnrch Puritans, who still 
continued to acknowledge her as a true Church, but to desire and 
endeavor, that the errors of doctrine and form, which had gradually 
crcjn into her sacred enclosure, might be speedily excluded. This 
was all consistent with his being denied the use of his parish pulpit 
and its revenue, because, while he could have coincided with some 
of the requisitions, there were others with which he could not, and 
still retain his integrity, as a man of truth and righteousness. It 
is evident, that the Company in whose service he was engaged, 
entertained views similar to his ov/n. They were jealous, lest 
Ralph Smith, who came in the small fleet, which, brought over 
Higginson and Skelton, should be too independent in his ideas and 
preferences, as to ecclesiastical polity. And so it turned out. 
Smith, soon after reaching our shores, went and preached for the 
Congregational church of Plymouth. But how was it at Kaumkeag 
when the Talbot cast anchor in its waters? On the preceding May 
11th, Endicott wrote to Bradford, a prominent member of the 
Plymouth church. He then slated, that through information of 
Dr. Samuel Fuller, who came to attend the sick, he had altered his 
opinion relative to its principles of government, and that he heart- 
ily agreed with them. This and several other events in the coiu'se 
of the year, show, that on the arrival of Higginson and his col- 
leagues, he found the majority of the people at Naunikeag decided 
Congregationalists, while Roger Conant and the old planters prob- 
ably remained Episcopalians. With matters so situated, and a 
mode of independent discipline in spiritual concerns, far more mild 
than they had realized, Higginson and Skelton appear to have 
soon harmonized, as the most practical, useful, and consistent with 
their sympathy and judgment. That they did so alter then- posi- 
tion, is evident from the rupture between them and the Messrs. 
lirowns, of which there will be occasion to speak more particularly. 

Not long after Mr. Higginson entered on the round of his mission, 
the Council, of which he was a member, were convened at Salem. 
A prominent object of their session, was to have every settler sign 
the laws of the Colony. Among those called together, was Thomas 
Morton, of Mount WoUaston, who declined to subscribe his name. 
He was a stanch advocate for Episcopacy, and kept himself aloof 
from compliance with the orders of Government. These authorities 
sent messengers to apprehend him ; but lie eluded their search 
though they brought away what goods lie left on the premises. 



14 Memoir of the Rev. Francis Higginson. 

Near this time, Messrs. Higginson, Skelton, and Bright, settled 
the question, who of them should be stationed at Charlestown. 
The decision for this appears to have fallen on Mr. Bright, who 
had become the spiritual shepherd of the colonists in that place. 
Thus the territory, which John Oldham and his Episcopal friends 
Avere endeavoring to secure for themselves, as included in the grant 
to Robert Georges, vv^as purposely occupied, as a part of the Mas- 
sachusetts patent. 

A letter from the Company, dated in London, May 2S, and closed 
at Gravesend, June 3. and directed to Endicott, Higginson and 
others, reached its destination in a iew weeks after the latter landed 
at Naumkeag. It gives several interesting orders. It requires that 
steps be taken to satisfy Indian claims to the territory; that an 
overseer be appointed for each family, so that servants therein, who 
were sent over at the charge of the Company, may be duly employed 
and so pay such expense ; that a house of correction be built for 
the confinement of offenders ; that, at the desire of Rev. John 
White, favor be shown to some emigrants from Dorset and Somerset; 
that the new settlers be not allowed to cultivate tobacco, except in 
small quantities for sickness; that none but "ancient men'' be 
permitted to take it, and they do it privately ; that the old planters 
be persuaded to discontinue the raising of such an article ; that all 
the people be occupied in some useful employment, and no idle 
person be allowed to live with them, as a means "to prevent a 
world of disorders and many grievous sins and sinners." 

That they might aid to secure the great design of the plantation, 
the leading men of Salem gave directions lor the duties of July 
20th, appointed by the Governor as a season of fasting and prayer. 
Charles Gott, in a letter to Governor Bradford, expressed himself 
as follows. " The former part of the day being spent in praise 
and teaching, the latter was spent about the election. The persons 
thought on, were demanded concerning their callings. They 
acknowledged there was a two fold calling, the one inward calling, 
when the Lord moved the heart of a man to take that calling 
upon him, and filled him with gifts for the same. The second 
was from the people, when a company of believers are joined 
together in covenant, to walk together in all the ways of God, 
every member is to have a free voice of their officers. These two 
servants clearing all things by their answers, we saw no reason 
but that we might freely give our voices for their election after 
this trial. Their choice was after this manner, every fit member 
wrote in a note his name whom the Lord moved him to think was 
fit for a pastor, and so likewise, whom they would have for a 
teacher. So the most voice was for Mr. Skelton to be pastor, and 
Mr. Higginson to be teacher, and they accepting the choice, Mr. 
Higginson, with three or four more of the gravest members of the 
church, laid their hands on Mr. Skelton, usina prayers therewith. 
This being done, then there was imposition of hands on Mr. 
Higginson." The writer proceeds to state, that Elders and^ 
Deacons were named, but their ordination was deferred " to see il 
it pleased God to send us more able men over." Thus once more 
consecrated to the oversiffht of souls amid new scenes and 



Memoir of Ike Rev. Francia lligginson. l."> 

relations, with strong desires and expectations to pnrsuc liis conrsc 
unmolested, the occasion mnst have been associated in the expe- 
rience of Mr. Higginson, as weU as that of his colleague, with the 
souTs highest and holiest affections. 

Near this date, troubles arose, which must have exceedingly 
tried the feelings of jMr. Higginson and his friends, as well as 
those of the individuals, whose sincere opinions placed them in 
the attitude of opponents. That the case may appear, as dcscj-ibed 
by one of the cotemporaries, the subsequent passage is given from 
Morton's Memorial. 

"Some of the passengers, that came over at the same time, 
observing that the ministers did not all use the book of Common 
prayer, and that they did administer baptism and the Lord's 
supper without the ceremonies, and that they professed also to use 
disciphne in the Congregation against scandalous persons, by a 
personal application of the word of God as the case might require, 
and that some that were scandalous were denied admission into 
the Church, they begun to raise some trouble. Of these Mr. 
Samuel Browne and his brother were the chief, the one being a 
lawyer and the other a xnerchant." These " gathered a Company 
together in a place distinct from the public assembly, and there 
sundry times the Book of Common Prayer v/as read unto such as 
resorted thither. The Governor, Mr. Endicot, taking notice of the 
disturbance, that began to grow amongst the people by this means, 
convened the two brothers before him. They accused the 
ministers as departing from the orders of the Church of England, 
that they were separatists, and would be Anabaptists, etc., but for 
themselves, they would hold to the orders of the Church of 
England. The ministers answered for themselves. They were 
neither separatists nor Anabaptists ; they did not separate from 
the Church of England, nor from the ordinances of God there, but 
only from the corruptions and disorders there; and that they came 
away from the common prayer and ceremonies and had suii'ered 
much for their non-conformity in their native Land, and therefore 
being in a place where they might have their liberty, they neither 
could nor would use them, because they judged the impositions of 
these things to be sinful corruption in the worship of God. The 
(Governor and Council and the generality of the people did well 
approve of the ministers answer." 

Though the denial here of being separatists, i. e. denunciators of 
the Episcopal Church, as though it were false in its principles and 
ordinances, was correct, as the deniers understood and used the 
term; yet they appear, as previously expressed, to have carried 
out their plan of reformation, as they believed it, more fully since 
their residence at Salem, than they did while in England. Such 
an advance they did not deny. 

About August 1, the Government here, of Avhom was Mr. 
Higginson, write to the Company, who held their sessions in 
London, relative to their sad disagreement with the Messrs. 
Brownes, on the subject of Church order. The latter, also, 
forwarded a justification of their tenets and stand to the same 
authorities. The Governor had said, " that New England v/as no 



16 Memoir of the Rev. Francis Uigginson. 

place for them," and he soon ordered them to embark for t'leir 
native kingdom. This was a hard case for the Messrs. Brownes. 
Still it is evident, that, with the viev\^s and feelings of the two 
parties, while they remained together under the same jurisdiction, 
they would not attain to the object, for which the Colony was 
settled. Necessity demanded a separation, and that the chief of 
one or the other, should depart. So existing, it must have severely 
tried^ the good of both sides, who sought the welfare of the 
Plantation, and who knew, that contention must diminish lis 
strength and retard its progress. 

On the 6th, according to appointment, Mr. Higginson and his 
colleague take part in the services of the occasion. They are 
much interested in the adoption of the platform of rule, covenant 
and articles of faith, and tlie organization of their church. On 
this subject the Memorial of Morton thus speaks. Mr. Higginson 
" was desired to draw up a confession of faith and covenant in 
Scripture language, which, being done, was agreed upon. And 
because they foresaw, that this wilderness might be looked upon 
as a place of liberty ; and therefore might, in due time, be troubled 
with erroneous spirits, therefore they did gut in one article in the 
confession of faith on purpose, about the duty and power of the 
Magistrate in matters of religion. Thirty copies of the aforesaid 
confession of faith and covenant, being written out for the use of 
thirty persons, who were to begin tWe work." When the desig- 
nated time arrived, " it was kept as a day of Fasting and Prayer, 
in which after the sermons and prayers of the two ministers, in 
the end of the day, the aforesaid confession of faith and covenant 
being solemnly read, the forenamed persons did solemnly profess 
their consent thereunto ; and then proceeded to the ordaining of 
Mr. Skelton pastor, and Mr. Higginson teacher of the church there. 
Mr. Bradford, the Governor of Plymouth, and some others with 
him, coming by sea, were hindered by cross winds, that they 
could not be there at the beginning of the day, but they came into 
the Assembly afterward and gave them the right hand of fellow- 
ship, wishing all prosperity and a blessed success unto such good 
beginnings." Between this account and that of Mr. Gott, there 
is an apparent discrepancy. He relates, that the pastor and 
teacher were set apart to their offices on the 20th ultimo, and that 
because the agents concerned in this consecration, preferred to wait 
for an increase of emigrants so that a better selection might be 
made for the other officers, these were merely nominated and the 
ordination of them or others, who might come, was put off to the 
first Thursday of August. Being one of the prominent candidates 
to constitute the Church, he would be more likely to be correct in 
his communication, made on the 30th of the previous month, than 
Morton. The probability is, that events transpired as the former 
stated they already had or were to, and that the rest of the 
solemnities occurred according to the account of the latter. 

The Covenant and Confession, so drawn up by Mr. Higginson., 
were adopted, for substance, 1658, at the Savoy by the Congrega- 
tional Churches of England. Thus the spiritual provision he 
made for his own flock, became that of many others in his native 



Memoir of the Rev. Francis Higg-inson. 17 

country, after a remarkable revolution in favor of the very- 
principles, for which he was excluded from his parish, and driven, 
as an exile, to a distant clime. 

Among the incidents of thrilling interest to Mr. Higginson and 
the rest of his church, at their being gathered, was that in relation 
to Edward Gibbons. Scottow informs us, that this young man 
had associated with the inhabitants of Merry Mount, and that, 
however not vicious, he had little taste for Puritan Society ; but 
that, having his curiosity greatly excited with reference to the 
formation of the church at Salem, he determined to be present. 
Continuing the narrative, the same author says as to the subject of 
his notice, "'At which convention, the testimony, which the Lord 
of all the earth bore unto it, is wonderfully memorable, by a 
saving work upon a gentleman of quality, who afterwards was 
the chieftain and flower of New England's Militia, and an eminent 
instrument both in Church and Commonwealth." Gibbons would 
have united with the Salem Church immediately, but Mr. Higgin- 
son and his colleague, who were much pleased with the relation 
he gave of himself, advised that .he should defer his wish for a 
season. _ « 

As another contribution to this information and pleasure of many 
in his native land, deeply interested in the civil, but especially in 
the spiritual welfare of the Colony, Mr. Higginson sends them a 
description* of its soil, climate, location, productions, natives and 
condition. While he represents the plantation in words, which 
express his attachment for it, as the home of his adoption and the 
object of his ardent hopes, he does not fail to be impartial in the 
confession of its disadvantages. Though some, influenced by his 
statements to emigrate hither, complained that they found less 
favorable realities, than they anticipated, still the integrity of his 
character forbids the suspicion, that his motives were in any 
manner deceitful. On this very subject, he observes, " The idle 
proverb is, travellers may lie by aiithority. Yet I may say of my- 
self, as once Nehemiah did in another case, shall such a mafi as I 
lie?^^ He proceeds in his relation. He says, that they have a 
brick-kiln under way ; the soil is very fertile and the Governor 
had planted a vineyard. He gives an account of the wild beasts 
around them ; of tiie multitudes of fish and fowl. Speaking of 
the lights for their evenings, he specifies the oil from their fishery, 
and adds, that pitch pine slits serve them for a like purpose, as a 
custom derived from the Indians. He adduces objections to an 
abode here ; as the winter is of greater severity than in England, 
the mosquitos troublesome, the rattlesnake poisonous, the want 
of more emigrants of worthy character, and a larger quantity of 
live stock. He adverts to his health, as being quite infirm prior 
to his embarkation, but much improved since his arrival. He 
attributes so favorable a change to the prevalent atmosphere ; " for 
a sup of New England's air is better than a whole draught of Old 
England's ale." He informs us, that on their coming ashore at 
Salem, they found there about ten houses, and a respectable one 

' Thia appears to have been sent from Salem by its author, some day of September. 

3 



18 Memoir of the Rev. Francis Higginson. 

" newly built for the Governor," and abundance of corn planted, 
which was in good condition ; that they brought about 2U0 
passengers, who had united with the old planters, in " one body 
politic," and that the number just named, still remained, though 
one hundred had located themselves at Charlestown, and that they 
had ordnance for fortification, sufficient to "keep out a potent 
adversary." 

While Mr. Higginson dwelt on the concerns of the English with 
pleasant sympathies, his heart was also drawn to the remnant of 
the aborigines. He makes a few observations. " For their 
governors, they have kings, which they call Sagamores, some 
greater and some less, according to the number of their subjects. 
The greater Sagamores about us cannot make above three hundred 
men, and other less Sagamores have not above fifteen subjects, 
and others near about us but two. Their subjects, about twelve 
years since, were swept away by a great and grievous plague, 
that was amongst them, so that there are very few left to inhabit 
the country." After giving a description of their physical appear- 
ance, armor, and domestic concerns, he adds, " They do generally 
profess to like well of our coming and planting here, partly 
laecause there is abundance of ground, that they cannot possess 
nor make use of, and partly because our being here will be a 
means both of relief to them when they want, and, also, a defence 
from their enemies, wherewith before this plantation began, they 
were often endangered. For their religion, they do worship two 
Gods, a good and an evil God. The good God they call Tantum, 
and their evil God, who they fear will do them hurt, they call 
Squantum. We use them khidly. They will come into our 
houses sometimes by half a dozen or half a score at a time. We 
purpose to learn their language as soon as we can, which will be a 
means to do them good." 

Leaving these subjects, though far from being indifferent 
towards them, he proceeds to that more sacredly enshrined in his 
affections. •' But that which is our greatest comfort and means 
of defence above all others, is, that we have here the true religion 
and holy ordinances of Almighty God amongst us. Thanks be 
to God, we have plenty of preaching and diligent catechising, 
with strict and careful exercise of good and commendable order to 
bring our people to christian conversation, which whilst we do, we 
doubt not but God will be with us !" Such a conclusion shows 
where Mr. Higginson lay the foundation of his hope, and that he 
had wisely learned the immutable principles, on which alone 
society can be prospered and immortality be blessed. 

About this time, Mr. Higginson addresses a communication to 
his numerous friends in Leicester, part of whom were anxiously 
waiting for information from him, so that they might decide the 
important question whether they should follow his example, come 
over and cast in their lot with the colonists. It is probably the 
one, to which Scottow calls the attention of his readers. " A letter 
then from New England, and for a considerable time after, was 
venerated as a sacred script, or as the writing of some holy 
prophet. It was carried many miles, where divers came to hear 



Memoir of Rev. Francii Higginson. 19 

it, and a multitude of pious souls through the whole nation, were 
in their spirits pressed to join in this work." Several of its items 
are as follow. Its author states, that the Colonists were expecting 
to be rcinlbrccd with sixty families with their ministers from 
Dorsetshire, many others with their pastor from Lincohishire, 
and a large number of christians from London. He advises 
persons of Leicester, where he had been forbidden to continue his 
faithful labors, who intended to join him in his new abode, to be 
expeditious, as the first comers "speed best and have the priviledge 
of choosing places •■ of residence. He counsels the rich to send 
over poor families to the plantation, '• where they may live as 
well, both for soul and body, as any where in the world." He 
remarks, that Isaac Johnson, the husband of Lady Arbella, and 
others iiad thus assisted pious emigrants to engage " in their work 
for a while, and then to live of themselves." He says that there 
are forty goats, as many cows, six or seven marcs, and one horse 
at Naumkeag. More of such stock are desired and expected. He 
wishes emigrants to bring as many of them, and, also, of sheep, 
as possible." Carpenters are greatly needed. 'I'he passage from 
England hither was £5 a man, £o a ton of goods, and £10 a 
horse. He corrects mistakes, which some of the settlers had made 
to their disappointment, lest others, intending to follow, should 
have similar experience. He wishes adventurers hither "to bring 
" woolen and linen cloth, leather for shoes, carpenters' tools, iron 
and steel to make nails, and locks for houses and furniture for 
ploughs and carts, and glass for windows," and adds "other 
things, which were better for you to think of there, than to want 
them here." In the following paragraph, he refers to the 
abundance of fish, which have long since been scarce in the 
Naumkeag waters. "Whilst I was writing this letter, my wile 
brought me word, that fishers had caught IGOO bass at one 
draught, which if they were in England, were worth many a 
pound. ■ This document sets before us some impressive features 
of society but recently organized. It shows the need of energies, 
virtuously applied, which hold no communion with luxury, in 
order that such a community should conquer its difficulties and be 
prospered. 

Letters from the authorities at Salem, including Mr. Higginson, 
are read to the Company in London, September 10, concerning 
the differences between them and the Messrs. Brownes, who 
appear to have arrived so as to be present. The case is left to 
reterees. Among these, chosen by the Brownes, is "William 
Pynchon, and by the Company, John Winthrop. On the 29th, a 
question is discussed by the Company, whether letters, in their 
hands, from the Brownes to their friends, and supposed to contain 
charges against the leading men at Salem, should be detained. It 
is concluded, that part of such connnunications be opened, some 
he read in presence of a committee and the ])ersons, to whom they 
were addressed, and others kept. A copy of the charges from the 
Colony, against the Brownes, is ordered lor them, as they desired. 

The Court of Assistants in liOndon, on the 15th of October, 
agree, that the salaries of Messrs. Higginson, Skelton and Bright 



20 Memoir of the Rev. Francis Higginson. 

here, and other ministers, who may come hither under their 
direction, and, also, the charge of erecting needed houses of 
worship in the Colony, and all other public works upon the 
Plantation, shall be borne, for seven years, one-half by the joint 
stock of the Company and the other by the planters. 

On the I6th of the same month, the Court address the following 
letter to Messrs. Higginson and Skelton. 

" Reverend Friends — There are lately arrived here, (being sent from 
the Governor, Mr. Endicott, as men factious and evil conditioned,) John 
and Samuel Browne, being brethren, who since their arrival have raised 
rumours (as we hear) of divers scandalous and intemperate speeches, 
passed from one or both of you in your public sermons or prayers in New 
England, as also of some innovations attempted by you ; we have reason 
to hope that their reports are but slanders ; partly, for that your goodly 
and quiet conditions are well known to some of us ; as also, for that 
these men, your accusers, seem to be imbittered against you and Capt. 
Endicott for injuries, which they conceive they have received from some 
of you there ; yet for that we all know that the best advised may 
overshoot themselves, we have thought good to inform you of what we 
hear, that if you be innocent you may clear yourselves ; or if otherwise, 
you may be entreated to look back on your miscarriage with repentance, 
or at least to take notice that we utterly disallow any such passages, and 
must and" will order for the redress thereof as shall become us ; but 
hoping, as we said, of your unblameableness herein, we desire that this 
only may testify to you and others, that we are tender of the least 
aspersion, which, either directly or obliquely, may be cast upon the State 
here, to whom we owe so much duty, and from whom we have received 
so much favour in the Plantation where you now reside. So with our 
love and due respect to your callings we rest 
Your loving friends, 

Richard Saltonstall, Isaac Johnson, Matt. Craddock, Gov't., John GofF, 
Dep'y, George Harwood, Treas'r, John Winthrop, Thomas Adams, 
Symond Whetcombe, William Vassal, William Pinchion, John Revell, 
Francis Webb." 

A literal compliance with every portion of this communication, 
was no easy matter for men with the experience and principles of 
Messrs. Higginson and Skelton. In a new sphere of action, where 
the iron grasp of law could not be laid upon them for the utter- 
ance of opinions and the practice of ordinances, which they had 
declared and manifested at the cost of exclusion from office and 
prosecution of person, in England, it was not only natural, but 
they felt it their sacred duty to preach and pray so as not to 
approve of Crown oppression towards the Puritans, while they 
commended the royal favor in their Charter privileges. Thus 
actuated, they were aware, that the eyes of others, who honestly • 
differed from them, were constantly and closely upon every step of 
their course, and who, expelled from a participation in the 
privileges of the Colony and sent back to the kindom, whence 
they came, would as honestly declare every thing, offensive to 
them in their clerical action, in no measured or commendable 
terms. So situated, they wished to raise no unnecessary storm nor 
uselessly expose themselves to reproof of friends or censure of 



Memoir of the Rev. Francis Higg^iiison. 21 

opponents. They took counsel from the oracles of Inspiration 
and endeavored to follow the dictates of heavenly wisdom. Thus 
guided, they went forward in the line of obligation, as they 
sincerely interpreted it, regretting to interrupt tlie plans and cross 
the interests of others, who tried to arrest their progress. 

As an event, the tidings of which must have been welcome to 
the ears and hearts of Mr. Higginson and his colleague, the 
General Court of the Company in London, on the 10th of Februa- 
ry, 1630, agree on a settlement of the difliculties, relative to the 
Messrs. Brownes. 

Though Mr. Higginson had written to many of his warm- 
hearted friends in England, as to his high hopes of confirmed 
health and active ministry, his experience was soon to be the 
reverse. Called to witness scenes of great sickness and suffering, 
among his parishioners, the first winter of his pilgrimage here, and 
about one hundred of them, including the Ruling Eider, Henry 
Haughton, laid low by the hand of death, he was made more 
familiar with his own weak hold on life. It is not unlikely, that, 
amid his exertions to instruct and console the diseased and dying, 
as well as his subjection to an unaccustomed severity of the cold 
season, the hectic attacked him, which was' to close his earthly 
career. 

Though strongly desirous to give a personal welcome to 
Governor Winthrop and his friends, who arrived in the Arbella, 
at Salem, June 12, he was unable to accompany Messrs. Endicott, 
Skelton, Leavit and Pierce, down the harbor, for so pleasant a 
purpose. Still, while wasting disease was bearing him away from 
temporal scenes, his heart throbbed in grateful harmony with the 
thanks, given to God around him, for the arrival of supplies to the 
destitute and distressed colonists. The last of his pulpit efibrts, 
was soon after the arrival of Mr. Winthrop and other recent 
emigrants. His text was from Matthew xi. 7. "What went ye 
out into the wilderness to see 7" The several heads of his 
discourse were, that the chief design of the Plantation was 
religion; that various trials were to be expected in a new country; 
that the settlers should give proof, that their hearts were in unison 
with the professed object of their emigration. Having thus 
finished the work, divinely assigned him, he waited for the close 
of his appointed time, with peaceful submission to the allotments 
of Providence. Confined to his bed, he was visited by the princi- 
pal persons of the Colony, who regretted, that they were to be 
deprived of his society, instructions and cooperation in promoting 
the interests of Puritanism. They spoke of his previous sufferings 
and faithfulness for such a cause, and of his being honored by the 
Lord in aiding to lay the foundation of " Church-reformation in 
America." He answered, "I have been but an unprofitable 
servant. All my desire is to win Christ, and be found in him, not 
having my own righteousness." He expressed his strong belief, 
several times, that, however he should be called away, God would 
raise up others to carry on the work begun, and that many 
churches of Christ would flourish in the country. Speaking of 
his wife and eight children, who were the strongest bond, which 



22 Memoir of the Rev. Francis Higginson. 

held him to this world, he observed, that however he must leave 
them with but a small portion of this world's goods, still he 
committed them to the care of God, who, he doubted not, would 
graciously provide for their wants. 

Thus conversing about his earthly concerns in the exhibition of 
motives and sympathies, which manifested his constant prepara- 
tion for heavenly realities, he enjoyed spiritual communion with 
his friends. So letting the light of his example rest for good on 
all, who saw him, he peacefully slept in death in August, aged 43 
years. Many, who highly esteemed him in life, attended the 
solemnities of his funeral and followed the remains, which had 
tenanted his active and departed spirit, to their long and last 
resting place. 

Though gone from his people, they had so learned his worth in 
the short period of his sojourn among them, that the pleasant and 
beneficial recollection of his precepts and influence, were often in 
their minds. Refering to him and other worthies, who had sunk 
before the devastations of disease, while engaged in the cause of 
religious reform, Governor Winthrop wrote to his wife in England, 
" The lady Arbella is dead, and good Mr. Higginson and many 
others." Thus remembered, Mr. Higginson, as already intimated, 
was courteous and obliging, with talents of high order, well 
cultivated in literature, oratory and divinity. Johnson says of 
him, " A man indued with grace, apt to teach, mighty in the 
Scriptures, learned in the tongues, able to convince gainsayers." 
The spirit, so qualified, was fitted to take a prominent part in 
heaven's mysterious agencies, and gloriously realize the hopes of 
his earthly pilgrimage. 

Before we leave the subject of this memoir, we will take a short 
notice of his family, whom he committed, in faith, to the protec- 
tion of their covenant keeping God. His wife and children 
resided in Salem, for a period, how long not known, and 
experienced much kindness from the people there and the liberally 
disposed in other places. On the 26th oi January, 1631, she 
wrote to Governor Winthrop a letter of thanks for "two kine and 
house and money in the hands of Mr. Coddington." This aid 
was probably, in part, compliance with the agreement between 
her husband and the Company, that she and her children should 
be supported by them, if he died, so long as they remained in the 
Colony, and, also, by the contribution of some principal colonists 
of ability and liberality. With regard to the latter assistance, 
Cotton Mather intbrms us, that it was given so that the widow 
and her family were comfortably situated. With our wishes so 
pleasantly gratified in their welfare, we follow them to New 
Haven. But when they went thither, or why, we are not told. 
They of course, would not be there sooner than 1638, when the 
place was settled by Theophilus Eaton and other prominent 
puritans. It is likely that this worthy gentleman was the means 
of their removal from Massachusetts^ because he seems to have 
been a relative to them, perhaps her brother, from the facts, that 
one of the sons bore his christian name, and another, after her 
decease, went to live with him. But the time of her sojourn in 



Memoir of the Rev. Fraticis Higginson. 23 

the last town, must have been quite short. She appears to have 
died in the early part of 1640, survived by eight children. In this 
year, February 25, as she left no will, the Court of New Haven, 
with the consent of her eldest son, settle her estate and provide 
for her family, as follows. John, considering the charges of his 
education, is to have his father's books and £5 in bedding. 
Francis, the second son, and Timothy, the third, in view of their 
education also, are each to receive £20. Theophilus, however 
well educated, because of helpfulness to his mother and benefit to 
her property, is allowed £40. Samuel is assigned £40 and to live 
with Mr. Eaton for two years from the 1st of next March. He 
and Theophilus are granted " the lot witl^all the accommodations 
belonging thereto, equally divided betwixt them, for £50 of their 
portions." Anne, the daughter, is to have £40 with part of her 
mother's clothes, aud " the remainder of the estate when the debts 
and other portions are paid." Charles is to receive £40, be an 
apprentice with Thomas Fugill, nine years from the March 1, 
who is to keep him at school one year or give him learning to such 
an amount. Neophytus, being with Mr. Hoff or Hough of 
Massachusetts, is to live with him till 21 years old, during which 
period Mr. Hough is to keep his £40 and then pay this sum to 
him. When the farm at Saugus is sold, the price is to be equally 
divided among the brothers. 

As well known, .John lived and died, an eminent minister, in 
Salem, 1708, aged 92. Francis finished his life at Kirby Steven, 
in Westmoreland, England, after a very useful ministry, 1670, in 
his fifty-fifth year. Timothy followed the seas and died a 
bachelor. Theophilus deceased at the age of 37, and left a son, 
Samuel, who became a physician. Samuel was captain of a man- 
of-war in the reign of ('harles II., and afterwards commander of 
an East India ship, and died at the age of 44 years. Charles 
commanded a ship in the Jamaica trade, and deceased when 49 
years old. Neophytus died at the age of 20 years. Some 
accounts state, that Anne was married to a Chatfield. There was 
a Mrs. Higginson living at Charlestown in 1669, but who she was 
more particularly, we have no facts to show. Thus we have 
succinctly traced the ofispring of one among the worthiest founders 
of New England. We take our leave of him and them with the 
lieartfelt aspiration, that our motives may be of the same high 
standard with his, and our last end illumined with the light, 
which rested on that of so eminent a benefactor. . 






LB N '10 



